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Realism , also known as political realism, in the context of international relations, encompasses a variety of theories and approaches, all of which share a belief that states are primarily motivated by the desire for military and economic power or security, rather than ideals or ethics. This term is often synonymous with power politics.
The term realism can, instead of referring to the broad family of realist theories, refer specifically to classical realism, the common ancestor and original form of realism.
Realist theories share the following key assumptions:
The international system is anarchic. There is no authority above states capable of regulating their interactions; states must arrive at relations with other states on their own, rather than it being dictated to them by some higher controlling entity (that is, no true authoritative world government exists).
Sovereign states are the principal actors in the international system. International institutions, non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations and other sub-state or trans-state actors are viewed as having little independent influence.
States are rational unitary actors each moving towards their own national interest. There is a general distrust of long-term cooperation or alliance.
The overriding 'national interest' of each state is its national security and survival.
In pursuit of national security, states strive to amass resources.
Relations between states are determined by their comparative level of power derived primarily from their military and economic capabilities.
In
summary, realists
believe that mankind
is not inherently
benevolent but
rather self-centered
and competitive.
This Hobbesian perspective
contrasts with the
approach of
liberalism to
international
relations which
views human nature
as selfish and
conflictual unless
given appropriate
conditions under
which to cooperate.
Further, they
believe that
states
are inherently
aggressive
(offensive realism)
and/or obsessed with
security (defensive
realism); and that
territorial
expansion is only
constrained by
opposing
power(s).
This aggressive
build-up, however,
leads to a
security
dilemma where
increasing one's own
security can bring
along greater
instability as the opponent(s) builds
up its own arms.
Thus,
security is a
zero-sum game where
only
relative
gains can be
made.
While Realism as a formal discipline in international relations did not arrive until World War II, its primary assumptions have been expressed in earlier writings:
-
Sun Tzu
(or Sunzi), an ancient Chinese military strategist who wrote the The Art of War
.
-
Thucydides
, an ancient Greek historian who wrote the The History of the Peloponnesian War
and is also cited as an intellectual forebearer of realpolitik.
-
Chanakya
(or Chansh) early Indian statesman, and writer on the Arthashastra.
-
Han Feizi
, Chinese scholar who theorised Legalism (or Legism) and who served in the court of the King of Qin - later unifier of China ending the Warring States Period. His writings include The Two Handles (about punishments and rewards as tools of governance). He theorised about a neutral, manipulative ruler who would act as Head of State while secretly controlling the executive through his ministers - the ones to take real responsibility for any policy.
-
Niccolò Machiavelli
, a Florentine political philosopher, who wrote The Prince
in which he held that the sole aim of a prince (politician) was to seek power, regardless of religious or ethical considerations.
-
Thomas Hobbes
, an English philosopher who wrote Leviathan
in which he stated that in anarchy there is a "war of all against all".
-
Otto von Bismarck
, a Prussian statesman coined the term balance of power. Balancing power meant keeping the peace and careful realpolitik practitioners tried to avoid arms races.
-
Carl von Clausewitz
was a 19th century Prussian general and military theorist who wrote On War
.
This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "Political Realism".